Research by Ann Williams
When Haley Barbour was head of the Republican National Committee from 1993 to 1997, he loathed Medicare, the federal health-care program, and tried to gun it down in the GOP "Contract with America," which he helped write with Rep. Newt Gingrich.
By 2000, Barbour had returned to his high-stakes lobbyist job at Barbour Griffith & Rogers, and had dramatically flip-flopped on Medicare, then lobbying for more federal tax dollars to be directed into the program. Why the flip-flop? It was business, pure and simple. A lobbyist does what his clients want--and Barbour's most golden clients wanted more Medicare money in their coffers.
The Alliance for Quality Nursing Home Care Inc. was formed in 2000 as a corporate coalition of 14 of the country's largest for-profit nursing home companies to help ease the way for the corporate consolidation of the nursing-home industry.
To that end, the coalition opposed Medicare cuts and government regulation of nursing-home standards and consolidation, and, perhaps most vitally, wanted low caps on the lawsuit damages the companies had to pay for injuring nursing-home residents. The coalition was willing to pay top dollar to ensure the election of candidates who agreed with its agenda.
Enlisting the top-dollar aid of Barbour and his firm, the Alliance lobbied hard for its wish list to be fulfilled. It also directed impressive campaign donations to mostly Republican candidates around the country who would, in turn, honor the wishes of one of the country's most tenacious, and least understood, industries.
That resolve is how a check for $100,000 written three years ago this week ended up illegally funding Republican candidates for the Texas statehouse.
That's also how that canceled check ended as a primary exhibit in the case of State of Texas v. Thomas Dale Delay et al.
If He Had a Hammer
Unlike Mississippi, the state of Texas has long taken campaign-finance violations seriously, especially donations coming from outside the state to try to tell Texans what to do, and how to vote. A 100-year-old law, Subchapter D of Chapter 253 of the Texas Election Code, forbids corporations from giving money to Texas political action committees for anything other than administrative costs, such as rent, utilities and the like. Violation of Subchapter D is a felony, punishable by hefty fines and up to life in prison.
But if the indictments prove true, Rep. Tom Delay appears to have put considerable effort into circumventing that law. The former bug exterminator from Sugar Land, down near Houston, became majority leader of the U.S. House of Representatives by being better than anyone else at ruthless political maneuvering, helped along by his complicated web of political friends and family members including his own wife, Christine, and daughter, Danielle Ferro.
The 58-year-old Delay--often called "The Hammer"--has run a creative maze of schemes since the mid-1990s to get Republicans elected to office and "keep Republicans in lockstep," using "threats and incentives," as The Wall Street Journal characterized his style in June 2004. Along the way, he has pushed the envelope about as far as it would go ethically and legally--perhaps too far. He has been investigated five times and brought before the House Ethics Committee for his strong-arming of fellow members of Congress, trying to use donations to a children's charity for a donor cruise, rewarding check-writers with face time with GOP stars, and other irregularities.
But the most legally tenuous plot to date seems to be Delay's plan in 2002 to get more Republicans elected in Texas so that they would turn around and then redistrict the congressional lines in 2003 in order to get more Republicans elected to Congress from Texas--thus ensuring a GOP House and his seat at the head table as majority leader.
It is commonplace for elected officials to have their own political action committees (PACs), such as Delay's Americans for a Republican Majority, which he used to collect donations to help GOP candidates get elected to national office. But what prompted a grand jury of his home-state peers to indict him in September and again earlier this month on conspiracy and money laundering charges was his Texans for a Republican Majority Political Action Committee, known as TRMPAC.
According to the grand jury's indictments, Delay used the PAC to collect illegal corporate contributions (a third-degree felony) from January 2001 through the end of 2002 from corporations and then slip the money to 2002 candidates for the Texas statehouse (a first-degree felony). Much of the money was used to fund a last-minute campaign blitz--another violation of Texas law.
In return, the donors had a laundry list of demands--including tort reform and a blind eye to their consolidation plans.
High-Dollar Maneuvers
The nursing-home industry, with its heavy reliance on government payouts for profits, is ripe for exploitation. And stories about the internal workings of nursing-homes--unless they involve dozens of elderly left to die during a hurricane--aren't exactly sexy enough for front page news.
"What we have seen is these corporations evolve to trying to shield themselves from liability or from paying taxes in such a way to finagle the law in ways no one imagined just a few years ago," said Mississippi Rep. Jamie Franks, a lawyer and Democrat from Mooreville who is leading an effort to more closely monitor Mississippi's nursing home industry.
"It's amazing what high-dollar lawyers and high-dollar accountants can do." He added: "And high-dollar lobbyists. You can throw that in there, too."
What those high-dollar strategists did in 2000 was form the Alliance for Quality Nursing Home Care Inc., so that the industry giants--for-profit nursing homes that were members of the American Health Care Association--could pool their resources to overcome regulatory obstacles and limit lawsuit damages in as many states as possible and, ultimately, on the federal level in order to supersede state law.
The Alliance heavily lobbied the federal government to increase Medicare payments, rather than cut them, because for-profit nursing homes take more money from Medicare than Medicaid, which tends to sustain their competitors, the non-profit nursing homes.
In October 2002, the Alliance appears to have invested in Delay's scheme to pack the Texas statehouse (and thus Congress) writing a check for $100,000 to TRMPAC, dated Oct. 18 and signed by Alliance leader Stephen L. Guillard of Harborside Healthcare Corp. in Boston. On Oct. 21, Chris Winkle--then the chief executive of Mariner Health Care in Atlanta--met state Rep. Tom Craddick, R-Midland, for dinner at Anthony's near The Galleria in Houston. They talked about the need to limit liability in lawsuits against nursing homes; then Winkle presented Craddick with the check, which TRMPAC deposited two days later. On Oct. 24, the Alliance contributed another $300,000 to the Texas Association of Business, an employers' group that is now also under indictment in Texas for allegedly helping collect and launder illegal contributions.
After the 2002 election, in which 21 additional Republicans were elected to the Texas statehouse, Craddick became speaker of the Texas House of Representatives, and the Legislature quickly gave industry its desired "tort reform"--including $250,000 in non-economic damage caps and special provisions to shield nursing homes--that would become the model for industry efforts in other states, such as Mississippi in 2004 (which ended up compromising on $500,000 damage caps).
In Texas and Mississippi, the Alliance's goals were being met.
Blowing the Doors Off
Ironically, it was one of the alleged conspirators who exposed the scam. The Texas Association of Business, or TAB, could hardly contain its glee over its success, reporting in a newsletter to members that it "blew the doors off the Nov. 5 election, using an unprecedented show of muscle that featured political contributions and a massive voter education drive." And as
The Wall Street Journal reported, its president, Bill Hammond, a former Texas legislator, bragged to the media that the group had used corporate money to finance a $2 million advertising campaign backing Delay's slate of candidates.
Watchdog groups like Texans for Public Justice in Austin took notice and started following the money, ultimately finding that TRMPAC's tax return showed that it had raised $1.5 million to help with the state races--and that $600,000 had come from corporate donations. Travis County District Attorney Ronnie Earle started investigating TRMPAC's activities after Texans for Public Justice filed a complaint based on the revelations on the tax returns.
In 2004, the house that Delay built started imploding. In September 2004, the indictments began when a Travis County grand jury handed down 32 indictment counts against TRMPAC and TAB and their leaders, as well as against eight companies that had supplied corporate funds, including State Farm Insurance, AT&T, the Union Pacific Railroad and the Alliance for Quality Nursing Home Care. On May 25, 2005, District Judge Joe Hart ruled in a civil case brought by 2002 Democratic candidates against TRMPAC that the use of corporate funds had violated the Texas Election Code.
On Sept. 28, 2005, the grand jury indicted Tom Delay and associates Jim Ellis and John Colyandro for conspiracy in the illegal scheme, and then on Oct. 3, a different grand jury indicted Delay on two new charges of money laundering.
But many players close to TRMPAC and its corporate donors have not, so far, been badly injured by the scandal. Craddick is still speaker and has not been indicted and likely will not be, sources in Texas say, although the district attorney's investigation into participants is ongoing.
Other friends of TRMPAC and its donors, such as now-Gov. Haley Barbour--who lobbied for the Alliance until he left his hefty stock in Barbour Griffith & Rogers in a reversible blind trust so he could take over the governor's mansion in Mississippi--are distancing themselves from the beleaguered Alliance, if not from Delay. (Barbour was one of several prominent Republicans, such as Focus on the Family's James Dobson and former Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C., who provided a video tribute to Delay at a May 2, 2005, Washington "Hooray for Delay" dinner in May, complete with frosted white cakes with pink hammers on top.)
Jim Perry, the governor's policy director, said this week that he was not familiar with the details of Barbour's work for the Alliance, but knew that Barbour lobbied to "raise standards" of the nursing-home industry. Perry emphasized that Barbour worked for the Alliance before he was governor of Mississippi--thus, that work is not relevant to his leadership position today in the state. Besides, Perry said, Barbour could not be expected to know about everything his lobbying clients did on their own.
It is not in dispute, however, that Barbour was lobbying in his client's interest to block Medicare cuts at the same time that his client was presenting a $100,000 check to Craddick. (The $300,000 check from the Alliance to TAB followed a few days later.)
"So, ask Barbour, 'Did your client, Alliance, give $400,000 (to Republicans) without consulting you?'" suggested one advocate for nursing-home residents who asked not to be identified.
But Barbour did not return calls to answer detailed questions about his history with the Alliance or his plan for ensuring high standards in nursing homes. Loren Monroe, the current chief operating officer of Barbour Griffith & Rogers who took over the Alliance account when Barbour became governor, also did not return phone calls.
The Hill newspaper, a daily that covers the U.S. Congress, reported on April 6, 2005: "Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour (R) was a highly effective advocate (for his nursing home clients), but since he ran for office in 2003 his firm's work for the alliance has remained strong. Monroe is 'exceptionally knowledgeable,' one person said."
Andrew Wheat, the research director of Texans for Public Justice, balks at the idea that Barbour was not privy to the Alliance's agenda--especially since his lobbying firm represented three of the corporate TRMPAC donors (the Alliance, Kindred Healthcare and Reliant Energy)--lobbying contracts worth $440,000 to Barbour Griffith & Rogers in 2002 alone. Barbour's clients gave more money to TRMPAC than any of the other 10 lobbying firms who were represented. He was CEO of Barbour Griffth & Rogers and representing the nursing homes when the Alliance was created in 2000.
"In 2001, Mr. Barbour told The New York Times, 'We don't represent issues that are inconsistent with what we believe in,'" Wheat said. "So, he may not be aware of what his client did in Austin, but it is hard to believe that he was not aware of his client's agenda. He was hired to advance his client's agenda."
Coming Home to Roost
The Alliance's agenda is one that is wreaking havoc in states like Texas, Arkansas and Mississippi, where its members control much of the nursing-home business and are now getting their way, thanks to a nationwide corporate realignment, consumer advocates say. The changes in the historically tightly regulated nursing-home industry are profound.
Franks points to the December 2004 sale of Mariner Health Care for $1.05 billion to National Senior Care, owned by New York real estate investor Harry Grunstein. He, in turn, sold Mariner's assets to cover the costs of the acquisition, reducing the worth and assets of Mariner to $12 million and, critics say, operating the nursing homes more like rental units. "It basically became a real-estate transaction rather than a group caring for vulnerable adults," Franks said. He added that, now, the nursing homes seem to be escaping accountability with these transfers. "There is no background check to find out whether they are financially solvent, or good corporate citizens. They simply transfer the license," he said.
Because it is the licensee that is regulated, the process of stripping that licensee of its assets is essentially a tricky end run, allowing the real-estate owners, such as Grunstein, to escape liability. This, combined with the increased "tort reform" damage caps sought by the Alliance, insulates the corporate owners from the regulatory safeguards that are meant to protect patients and the elderly. In turn, those licensees are now defaulting on money owed to vendors in states like Mississippi. And because assets are being ripped away from the nursing homes themselves, they end up with little to be sought in lawsuits brought by the vendors looking to be repaid.
One unpaid Mississippi vendor is the law firm Brunini, Grantham, Grower & Hewes in Jackson, which is suing Mariner for $951,915.17 in legal fees for defending the nursing homes. In the complaint, filed in Hinds County Chancery Court, Brunini describes Mariner's "leveraged buyout" scheme, which it alleges is "fraudulent."
Along with Rep. Percy Watson, D-Hattiesburg, Franks has scheduled legislative hearings this week (Wednesday, Oct. 19 at 1 p.m. in Room 113 of the State Capitol) with Mississippi Department of Health officials to examine these trends. Franks points to hearings in Arkansas, called by a Republican and a Democrat, that just concluded that the state has ended up with "no" regulatory power over these companies, due to their maneuvering. "This is not partisan," Franks said. "It's a consumer issue. It's about protecting vulnerable citizens and our tax dollars."
Franks, when interviewed by the Jackson Free Press, did not know that Barbour had lobbied for the Alliance before becoming governor. "I was not aware of that, but that would not surprise me," he said. "He came here as one of the highest paid lobbyists in Washington. He told us his interest was placed in a blind trust, but I'm not sure it's ended."
Franks said Barbour tends to represent his former lobbying interests, such as the huge tobacco companies. "He made sure that (tobacco) tax increase wouldn't happen. I don't know if that trust is so blind after all."
Indeed, many of Barbour's most visible policy initiatives thus far in Mississippi seem to run parallel to the interest of his recent lobbying clients--from his desire to move Mississippians from Medicaid to Medicare, to his support for "tort reform" measures that focus on low damage caps not only for medical malpractice, but for general business liability.
And notably, in 2004, Barbour vetoed a campaign-finance bill passed by the Legislature that would have closely mirrored the 100-year-old Texas law that the Alliance violated by forbidding corporate donations to political action committees.
Franks added that corporate greed seems to be determining the level of care in Mississippi nursing homes. "It's a shame when Wall Street dictates what happens on High Street," he said.
Donna Ladd is the editor-in-chief and co-founder of the Jackson Free Press, Mississippi's only alternative newsweekly. Visit "I'm Going from Jackson," her blog about politics, media and culture.
Correction: The print version of this story refers to Barbour's lobbying firm representing three of the corporate TRMPAC "owners" (the Alliance, Kindred Healthcare and Reliant Energy); it should read TRMPAC "donors." The typo has been corrected in this version.
Previous Comments
- ID
- 79084
- Comment
Never mind the lobbying scandal--I want to know what happens next in that photo! Cheers, TH
- Author
- Tom Head
- Date
- 2005-10-18T21:20:55-06:00
- ID
- 79085
- Comment
Like what, Tom . . . the hokey pokey, or are you suggesting something more intimate?
- Author
- Towanda
- Date
- 2005-10-18T22:33:10-06:00
- ID
- 79086
- Comment
Oooo... that reminds me of Marshall Ramsey's wonderful Barbour hokey-pokey cartoon about special-special sessions from earlier this year. ("I put the Legislature in, I take the Legislature out ...".) It's taped on my office door. He is the best thing about the Ledge.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-18T22:39:50-06:00
- ID
- 79087
- Comment
Towanda, door #2. And I'm glad I'm not the only one who saw the liplock prospects of that photo, because I was beginning to fear for my sanity... And Marshall Ramsey is tres cool. Cheers, TH
- Author
- Tom Head
- Date
- 2005-10-18T23:21:45-06:00
- ID
- 79088
- Comment
This story and photo featured right now on: http://www.altweeklies.com/gyrobase/AltWeeklies/Section?Section=oid%3A134455 Tom and Towanda, the photo looks even better there; it's larger. This story will be in the print edition today, BTW.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-19T09:21:34-06:00
- ID
- 79089
- Comment
Cool re alt-weeklies! "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free."
- Author
- Towanda
- Date
- 2005-10-19T09:32:18-06:00
- ID
- 79090
- Comment
Ali just alerted us that a warrant is now issued for Delay's arrest: AP reports: A Texas court Wednesday issued a warrant for Rep. Tom DeLay, ordering him to appear at the Fort Bend County jail for booking on state conspiracy and money laundering charges. The court set an initial $10,000 bail as a routine step before the Texas Republican's first court appearance Friday. DeLay, R-Texas, could be fingerprinted and photographed, although his lawyers had hoped to avoid this step. DeLay will surrender in his home county, near Houston, although his court appearance will be in Austin. The warrant, known as a capias, is "a matter of routine and bond will be posted," said DeLay's lawyer, Dick DeGuerin. DeLay has stepped down as U.S. House majority leader ó at least temporarily ó under a Republican rule requiring him to relinquish the post if charged with a felony. Two grand juries have charged DeLay and two political associates in an alleged scheme to violate state election law, by funneling corporate donations to candidates for the Texas Legislature. State law prohibits use of corporate donations to finance state campaigns, although the money can be used for administrative expenses. I bet they wanted to avoid that step.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-19T16:48:01-06:00
- ID
- 79091
- Comment
I love it! I'll be watching www.thesmokinggun.com for those mugshots... Might even make them my new background image (though right now, the Barbour smooch has replaced the Danks headshot, which replaced the Thousand Eyes of Frank Melton)... Cheers, TH
- Author
- Tom Head
- Date
- 2005-10-19T19:42:19-06:00
- ID
- 79092
- Comment
First!!! I dare you to look at this pic without laughing: http://www.thesmokinggun.com/archive/1020051delay1.html
- Author
- allred
- Date
- 2005-10-20T12:55:03-06:00
- ID
- 79093
- Comment
THAT is the BEST PICTURE EVER! --H. Miers
- Author
- Lori G
- Date
- 2005-10-20T13:33:28-06:00
- ID
- 79094
- Comment
I hope to see this image photoshopped as mercilessly as the "henieken looter" one. In fact, if I had any photoshop chops at all, I would merge those two images into the MOST CLEVER and FUNNYEST PHOTOSHOP EVAR!!! (internetspeak intended).
- Author
- allred
- Date
- 2005-10-20T13:40:45-06:00
- ID
- 79095
- Comment
The Arkansas Times blog shoots Mississippi kudos for holding the nursing-home hearings this week: Good for Mississippi (10/20/05 Arkansas Times) Mississippi lawmakers are asking the tough questions about how the sale of Beverly Enterprises could affect nursing home quality and care. The Arkansas legislature should take note. So far, no one there has been asking the tough questions, as is happening in Mississippi: The issue of regulation has come to the forefront, [state Rep. Jamie] Franks said, because large chains are buying nursing homes throughout the United States. In one case, the sale is pending of the Fort Smith, Ark.-based Beverly Enterprises, which owns three nursing homes in Northeast Mississippi, according to the Arkansas News Bureau. Franks, a Democrat, said he is concerned that under current law a company can buy the license to operate a nursing home without the state's conducting a thorough investigation of the purchasing company. "This is important because we want to protect our most vulnerable citizens," Franks said. "And we want to protect taxpayer money. About 90 percent of the patients in nursing homes in Mississippi have their care paid by Medicaid." Franks and [state Rep. Percy] Watson said they are concerned about reports of large real estate companies buying the nursing homes and stripping them of their assets. In Arkansas, state legislators held at least two contentious hearings on the potential impact of Beverly's pending sale to a New York-based company. The hearings ended abruptly when a majority of the legislators participating opted not to continue because of the potential negative publicity for the publicly traded company and the possible impact on the sale, according to the Arkansas News Bureau. It's disturbing to know that Arkansas legislators place the well-being of Beverly over the well-being of taxpayers and nursing home residents.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-20T14:51:05-06:00
- ID
- 79096
- Comment
And this in from Texas today: Texas advocates for nursing home residents: hearings on Mariner sale must be held (10/20/05 PR Newswire) AUSTIN, Texas, Oct. 20 /PRNewswire/ -- The following news release is issued by the Coastal Bend Chapter, Texas Advocates for Nursing Home Residents: The president of the Coastal Bend Chapter, Texas Advocates for Nursing Home Residents, urged Texas lawmakers on Thursday to hold hearings into whether recent nursing home ownership changes are putting the state's 85,000 elderly residents at risk. Libby Edwards, of Corpus Christi, said her organization is concerned by testimony by Arkansas state officials on the topic on Wednesday that a trend in nursing home sale transactions has effectively neutered the state's ability to regulate or enforce quality standards. Last December, a group of New York-based real estate investors bought Mariner Health, the 3rd largest nursing home chain in the U.S., for $1.09 billion, stripped the company of its assets and created a licensing entity worth only about $12 million. That company is now being sued in several states by vendors and suppliers who say they are not being paid and the company is insolvent. Mariner owns more than 70 homes in Texas. "If the company is not paying its bills, how long will it be before homes start cutting staff or closing altogether?" Edwards said. Special Assistant Attorney General Scott Johnson told Mississippi lawmakers that in a case of abuse or neglect of a resident, the state's only recourse is to go after the license holder. However, if the license holder does not own the facility or any assets, the action is moot. "You can't collect money from someone who doesn't have any. If you're operating on a shoestring budget and you have a $4,000 judgment, how are you going to get that?" he said. The same investors that bought Mariner are poised to buy Arkansas-based Beverly Enterprises for $1.9 billion. But the Mariner lawsuits and other questions about the track record of the investors appear to have stalled the buy-out until at least Nov. 18. Arkansas lawmakers are expected to question Beverly Enterprise officials at an Oct. 25th meeting of the Joint Public Health, Welfare and Labor Committee. Beverly officials have said they will attend the hearing and answer questions. Beverly officials first said they would attend, then backed out, of the Mississippi hearing.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-20T14:52:10-06:00
- ID
- 79097
- Comment
I apologize for posting this having not yet read the thread, but it seemed to be the best place for it. NOW on PBS reported that U.S. Army Corps of Engineers official Bunny Greenhouse "was demoted after blowing the whistle on alleged contractor fraud and abuse involving exclusive, non-compete contracts worth billions of dollars to Halliburton and its subsidiary KBR, which have since been awarded new government work in the rebuilding of the gulf coast." The demotion occurred August 27, as engineering companies began to predict the availability of HUGE no-bid contracts. Transcript: "The government says that she wasn't doing her job very well, a charge she contests. Now she mentions August 27th, the day she was finally shunted aside. That's quite a date. It's also the day President Bush declared a state of emergency in Louisiana, just as the next wave of massive government contracting would hit with Hurricane Katrina. And once again, KBR was getting a lucrative deal."
- Author
- pjiv
- Date
- 2005-10-20T22:18:43-06:00
- ID
- 79098
- Comment
Nice article. [snipped]
- Author
- todd
- Date
- 2005-10-21T14:16:55-06:00
- ID
- 79099
- Comment
[charge snipped] That is an extremely serious and reckless charge.
- Author
- GeoRoss
- Date
- 2005-10-21T14:43:43-06:00
- ID
- 79100
- Comment
Geo, I agree that this Todd (which is not our Todd, btw) went too far in the characterization he posted. He has no way of knowing, for instance, when someone is past the legal limit without having seen test results and such. Thus, I snipped the entire comment about the Barbours' drinking. However, it is up to anyone to decide what they think of the facts of the Barbours' drinking as reported in the Washington Post, and these comments are more appropriate for that thread. Let's keep this one focused on issues raised in the article about Barbour and his lobbyist connections, and how they affects the welfare of Mississippians.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-21T14:51:24-06:00
- ID
- 79101
- Comment
BTW, here is a 1993 story from the Washington Post that gives some more details re TRMPAC/Delay/Barbour, etc. The Alliance for Quality Nursing Home Care, represented by lobbyist and Mississippi GOP gubernatorial candidate Haley Barbour, gave $100,000 to the PAC while Barbour was lobbying to block Medicare cuts that would cost the industry tens of millions of dollars. DeLay confidante Jack Abramoff, a lobbyist who represents Mississippi Choctaw Indians, persuaded DeLay in 1995 to reverse course and kill a provision that would have taxed gambling revenue on Indian land. The Choctaws gave $6,000 to TRMPAC.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-23T11:20:31-06:00
- ID
- 79102
- Comment
One does wonder if the brilliant Ledge leaders have thought through their adoration of Barbour-the-uber-lobbyist. Editorial today: Barbour Governor's lobbying skills needed Clout? Gov. Barbour sought the governorship based on his supposed clout with the Bush White House and the Republican Congress. Now, in the state's darkest hours, Barbour needs to quickly turn that clout into disaster relief funds. The proposition is a simple one: If ever Mississippi needed a professional lobbyist with proven Capitol Hill clout and a cozy relationship with the President, it's now. Hurricane Katrina has decimated much of south Mississippi and the rebuilding effort facing the state is nothing short of Herculean. The state needs tens of billions of dollars in federal disaster relief funds. Clearly, the political table should be set for Mississippi to enjoy success in drawing massive federal aid. Gov. Haley Barbour was a founder of one of the world's most successful Washington lobbying firm and the consummate GOP insider at a time when the nation is led by a Republican majority in both houses of Congress and by a Republican president in whose inner campaign circle Barbour served.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-26T12:42:55-06:00
- ID
- 79103
- Comment
All, Tom Lowe over at Jackson Progressive blugs this story on his blog this week. Be sure to spend some time on Tom's blog; Tom was a voice for progressivism in Jackson long before the JFP started, and he's a really smart guy. Get to know him.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2005-10-26T17:03:53-06:00
- ID
- 161086
- Comment
In honor of the long-overdue conviction of Tom Delay, y'all take a peek back at the 2005 piece I did about Haley Barbour, Tom Delay and those dicey nursing-home PACs. Still relevant after all these years.
- Author
- DonnaLadd
- Date
- 2010-11-24T17:31:26-06:00
- ID
- 161087
- Comment
What a great country we live in where our worse criminals get convicted and hopefully will go to jail. I believe. Only in America. I hope Big Bubba is waiting to get with him.
- Author
- Walt
- Date
- 2010-11-24T17:36:46-06:00
- ID
- 161089
- Comment
Unholy alliance? Barbour? Redundant.
- Author
- C.W.
- Date
- 2010-11-24T19:06:33-06:00
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